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In Nigeria, a long-standing security crisis has recently captured the attention of many Evangelical Christians in America. The narrative of Islamic terrorists targeting Nigerian Christians simply because of their faith has resulted in fierce condemnation of Nigeria’s Federal Government from American religious freedom groups[i] and conservative elected officials[ii] who view the current government as either unable or unwilling to stop the violence. Individuals like President Trump[iii] and West Virginia Congressman Riley Moore[iv] go one step beyond this, choosing to label the ongoing violence against Christians as a genocide.

Christians in Nigeria certainly face a precarious and dangerous environment, as borne out by available statistics. While gathering evidence regarding violence against Christians remains difficult, particularly in the rural regions of the country, individual examples shed a frightening light on the situation. Kidnappings, armed assaults, or property destruction of Christians or churches have occurred in Ayetoro Kiri, Kajuru, Agwara, Barkin Ladi, Ojije, Apa, and Owo just in the first two months of 2026 alone. The International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law conducted the most extensive study on the matter, finding that at least 52,000 Nigerian Christians were killed between 2009 and 2023.[v]

Under President Trump, the U.S. has shifted its intentions in Nigeria to publicly express a firmer interest in protecting Nigerian Christians. The so-called “Christmas Day Strike” against alleged Islamic State terrorists in Sokoto State, Nigeria,[vi] and the deployment of 200 military personnel to help train the Nigerian Army in combined arms coordination mark an escalation of American involvement in Nigeria.[vii] The U.S. Ambassador Mike Walz has spoken out against the violence targeting Christians in Nigeria,[viii] and on Feb. 23, 2026, Republican leadership on the House Appropriations and Foreign Affairs Committees provided a report[ix] outlining potential steps this administration could take to help end the violence against Christians.

Unfortunately, the singular focus on “protecting Christians” as advanced by the Trump administration is standing in the way of promoting meaningful change for and security inside Nigeria. Whether it is the Fulani militias, Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM), Islamic State-Sahal Province (ISSP), Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), Boko Haram, cultists, the Lakurawa, or bandits, the reasons for violence in Nigeria, directed at Christians or not, are incredibly complex. Choosing to reduce the complicated nature of insecurity to merely being anti-Christian is wrong and also restricts the ability of the U.S. to assist with Nigeria’s security issues.

Invest in Nigeria’s Economy

Firstly, economic development and investments are necessary to build Nigeria’s economy. Radicalization to commit violent acts often begins in poor economic conditions,[x] so it should come as no surprise that in 2022, the World Bank found that over 41 percent of Nigerians lived on less than $3 per day.[xi] With limited economic opportunities, young men, especially, can be easily swayed into joining radical groups to gain status and economic stability. Violent groups have fine-tuned their recruitment strategies to include targeting these young men with messages of pride and a good-paying job, a tactic that has reaped substantial benefits for terror organizations located inside Nigeria.

To start, the United States should restore USAID funding to Nigeria, build on the recently announced memorandum of understanding (MOU) committing $2.1 billion to the Nigerian healthcare system,[xii] and work with the Nigerian Federal Government to develop educational, health, and economic programs and projects. The foreign aid retreat by President Trump harms the domestic security of countries like Nigeria, with the potential security benefits far exceeding any monetary cost. Investments into healthcare and education will create a healthier and better-educated Nigerian populace, which will allow for greater economic growth that severely reduces the economic argument that terror and banditry groups utilize to draw in new recruits.

The nearly complete closure of the Strait of Hormuz and dramatic increases in oil prices worldwide highlight the opportunity that joint American-Nigerian investments in Nigeria’s oil industry could yield. Even with an oil reserve of nearly 37 billion barrels under its ground,[xiii] old infrastructure, poorly maintained equipment, pipeline thieves, and kidnapping threats against oil workers have combined to drive oil production down to just 1.5 million barrels per day.[xiv] With one of President Trump’s priorities being energy dominance and protecting American energy needs, modernizing Nigeria’s oil infrastructure and protecting against kidnappings and stealing would allow Nigeria to enjoy far higher oil production, with the subsequent increase in funding further aiding its security situation.

Congress should also set standards and benchmarks for the Nigerian Federal Government to meet or exceed in order to obtain additional funding and aid. On democracy,[xv] human rights,[xvi] and corruption,[xvii] substantial reforms will be necessary to shift Nigeria from its current sickly condition to a healthy nation. Incorporating more voices into the democratic process, ensuring that Nigerians of all faiths can practice their religion safely, and cracking down on corruption can all improve the quality of life for Nigerians.

Critics of foreign aid have reasonably noted that merely handing out cash or investments is problematic and wastes taxpayer money. Evidence[xviii] shows that setting benchmarks for foreign aid can lead to more successful investments because funds are used more effectively. In Nigeria’s case, the dual benefit of benchmarks includes helping Nigerians while also promoting the safety of its residents and the effectiveness of American aid.

Protect Moderate Islamic Voices Against Jihadism

Policymakers cannot forget about violence targeting Nigerian Muslims, coupled with the responsibility of Islamic leaders to speak out. Mass attacks in Kwara, Niger, Kebbi, and Zamfara states since the start of 2026 have caused nearly 300 civilians to be killed as of early March, with the violence primarily targeting more moderate Muslims. Furthermore, moderate and liberal Muslims carry a social and spiritual obligation to call out Jihadism as a distortion of Islam. The repeal of Sharia law in 12 Northern Nigeria states[xix] is another area where cooperation between more moderate Muslims, Christians, and U.S. elected officials can occur, because the infusion of religious dogma into Nigeria’s legal system can cause discrimination and suffering for non-Muslims.

Islamic clerics play a critical role in leading their Muslim communities and have the opportunity to shape the beliefs of younger Muslims, especially young men, away from Jihadist theology and ideology. In Northern states like Sokoto State, which carries a history of Caliphate theology, clerics can combat such history and beliefs to reduce the potential recruit pool for terror groups, which prey upon younger Muslim men who already have extreme religious beliefs.

Radical terror groups such as Boko Haram, ISSP, or ISWAP frequently target outspoken Muslims who call out their violence, shining a bright spotlight on the much-needed military support and reforms needed to protect Nigerians who oppose the violence. The Woro community attack in Kwara State, which made the rounds in Western media and saw at least 170 villagers killed, appears to have been a case of refusal of the villagers to submit to a more extreme version of Islam.[xx] Cases like this make it less likely that moderate Muslims speak out; however, protecting such voices can increase the number and volume of Muslims speaking up against Jihadism.

Support Nigeria’s Military

On the military side, the small contingent of American trainers and the targeting of Northeast Nigeria will not be enough. When combating terror and banditry groups, targeting their recruitment pool by economically investing and utilizing moderate clerics to correct wrong Islamic beliefs will at least partly help; however, the Nigerian Army will eventually need to be equipped, trained, and motivated to defeat the various violent threats facing the country.

There are multiple ways for Nigeria and the U.S. to work together to improve military outcomes without deploying American combat troops directly. Firstly, increased use of drones and U.S. Air Force ISR capabilities will help the Nigerian Air Force’s ability to track and target bandits and terrorists. Secondly, increased mobility and training in more rapid small-unit movements could help pursue terrorists and bandits, thereby leveling the playing field. Finally, increased training standards and weeding out incompetent military leadership will build a better lead and a more lethal military force.

Sales of military equipment and munitions, like a $346 million 2025 deal,[xxi] would generate profits for the American defense industry while also better equipping the Nigerian military. The sale of both attack and ISR drones would help Nigeria’s Air Force identify and destroy terror combatants, who currently enjoy the ability to hide themselves in more remote areas. Additionally, increasing the Army’s mobile capabilities would enable units to respond more quickly to crises, rather than having elongated response times, as in the Kwara massacre, where it took the Army 10 hours to respond.

Conclusion

The solution to Nigeria’s security crisis is complex and cannot be fixed overnight. That said, the Trump administration’s concern only for Christians, belief that violence is inherently anti-Christian, and limited assistance to Nigeria will not solve the issue. Investments in Nigeria’s oil industry, as well as its economic, health, and education sectors, can improve living standards and create viable opportunities for individuals who might otherwise be drawn to jihadist groups or banditry. The Nigerian Army and Air Force will require additional capabilities, training, and equipment to fully crack down against the various violent threats facing the country. Moderate Muslim voices will need to speak out against Jihadism and call it the distortion of Islam that it is. These — and other policy changes and reforms — will require time, money, and effort; however, the consequences of refusing to act or only taking small steps when giant leaps are necessary will be more suffering, more killing, and an increasingly unstable and unsafe Nigeria.

Matthew Kolb is a graduate of 91���� (’24) and a current Master of Divinity student at Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. He works as a global analyst and was previously an Information Warfare Intern at 91���� Applied Research Institute and a student fellow for the Center for Global Resilience and Security.

[i] The Voice of the Martyrs. Accessed May 19, 2026.

[ii] Representative Riley Moore, Feb. 10, 2026.

[iii] New York Times. The New York Times. Accessed May 19, 2026.

[iv] Representative Riley Moore, Jan. 16, 2026.

[v] Global Christian Relief, Oct. 17, 2025.

[vi] Palmer, Alexander, and Erin Oppel. CSIS, 2025.

[vii] Noury, Tanya. Military Times, Feb. 13, 2026.

[viii] United States Mission to the United Nations. USUN. Accessed May 26, 2026.

[ix] House Committee on Appropriations - Republicans, Feb. 23, 2026.

[x] United Nations. United Nations, Feb. 16, 2016.

[xi] World Bank. Accessed May 26, 2026.

[xii] U.S. Department of State. Accessed May 26, 2026.

[xiii] Editorial Board. Businessday NG, March 21, 2026.

[xiv] Businessday NG, April 20, 2026.

[xv] Freedom House, July 31, 2025.

[xvi] U.S. Department of State. Accessed May 26, 2026.

[xvii] Chatham House. Accessed May 26, 2026.

[xviii] Handel, Daniel. Vox, Sept. 5, 2023.

[xix] USCIRF, May 26, 2026.

[xx] Idris, Ahmed. Al Jazeera, Feb. 9, 2026.

[xxi] Defense Security Cooperation Agency, Aug. 13, 2025.